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How grassroots activists are stepping in to care for Sudan’s war-scarred communities

Analysis How grassroots activists are stepping in to care for Sudan’s war-scarred communities
Sudan’s conflict has left millions without access to basic services forcing volunteers to offer assistance through so- called emergency response rooms. (AFP)
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Updated 02 April 2025

How grassroots activists are stepping in to care for Sudan’s war-scarred communities

How grassroots activists are stepping in to care for Sudan’s war-scarred communities
  • Sudan’s conflict has left millions without access to basic services, forcing civilians to become self reliant
  • Volunteer networks have become essential, filling gaps left by humanitarian aid shortages and failing state institutions

LONDON: Abandoned by the rest of the world and condemned to endure a crisis with no apparent end in sight, communities in war-torn Sudan are taking matters into their own hands, providing public services in place of state institutions that have long since collapsed.

Grassroots efforts are being made to help families who have chosen to remain in Sudan to cope with the trauma of war, from mental health support in emergency response rooms, known as ERRs, to volunteer networks reuniting displaced loved ones.

Two years into the conflict between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces, aid delivery remains sporadic, internet access unreliable, and violence a persistent threat to civilian lives and infrastructure.

Despite this, networks of volunteers, many of them war survivors themselves, have stepped into the vacuum to assist others — offering a quiet form of resilience in the face of events beyond their control.




Despite the resilience of these community-level initiatives, grassroots leaders say they cannot do it alone. (AFP)

“We provide free mental health services to individuals and groups who are victims of war,” Maab Labib, a mental health professional and coordinator of the psychosocial support team at the Bahri Emergency Room, one of the most active ERRs in the capital, told Arab News.

“We currently have 25 therapists and psychologists. So far, we’ve provided individual psychological support to over 1,500 people.”

Founded in the first week of the war, the team’s reach now extends well beyond Bahri to other parts of Khartoum and multiple states across Sudan. The initiative combines online consultations with in-person group sessions held in safe areas.

“Our services are not limited by age, gender or nationality,” said Labib. “We have supported Sudanese and non-Sudanese, survivors of gender-based violence, and even soldiers.”

However, the weight of the war has not spared the caregivers. “The service providers themselves are displaced and traumatized. We offer peer-to-peer emotional support, but the lack of resources and the constant threat of violence make it very hard to continue.”

In the absence of functioning public institutions, the Bahri Emergency Room team is part of a wider constellation of mutual aid structures that emerged from Sudan’s revolutionary fabric.




Two years into the conflict between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces, aid delivery remains sporadic. (AFP)

These include communal kitchens, neighborhood support groups, and psychological first aid training programs — many of which trace their origins to the 2018-19 uprising against long-time ruler Omar Bashir.

According to Guido Lanfranchi, a research fellow at the Clingendael Institute, a Dutch think tank, these local support networks reflect a deeper political dimension.

“They are a beacon of hope, showing that people can come together to support each other even as the state collapses and militarization deepens,” he told Arab News. “They don’t have power to influence military dynamics, but they keep alive the spirit of the revolution.”

Yet that very symbolism has made them targets. “Mutual aid groups are being attacked by both sides,” Anette Hoffmann, also of the Clingendael Institute, told Arab News.

“Early in the war, the SAF issued a law banning service committees. In RSF-controlled areas, groups have been accused of collaborating with the enemy. And some volunteers have even been asked by the RSF to work with them in exchange for money.”

She added: “Romanticizing their efforts is dangerous. They are desperate for support and very capable of managing large-scale funding — yet the international community has largely turned away.”

According to the UN, almost 25 million people — more than half of Sudan’s population — are now in need of humanitarian assistance, making it one of the world’s largest and fastest-growing crises.

The recent suspension of USAID-funded programs has worsened the situation dramatically, especially in regions where US-backed partners were among the few delivering food, medical supplies, and protection services.




Networks of volunteers, many of them war survivors themselves, have stepped into the vacuum to assist others. (AFP)

The shutdown has forced numerous nongovernmental organizations to scale back or cease operations altogether, increasing the burden on under-resourced local initiatives.

For many communities, the loss of these lifelines has meant the difference between a meal and an empty stomach, between trauma support and suffering in silence.

That vacuum is deeply felt by grassroots groups trying to maintain food programs and trauma support across multiple regions.

The Safe Haven Organization, formerly known as the Save Geneina Initiative, is one such group. It operates across both Sudan and Chad, managing kitchens and child-friendly spaces in displacement centers.

“In Sudan, we supported 4,500 families a day through our kitchens,” Mozamul Mohammed Ali, himself a refugee and now project manager in Adre, eastern Chad, told Arab News.

“But some kitchens had to stop due to lack of funds. In places like Algazira and Sennar, we simply could not continue.”




Grassroots efforts are being made to help families who have chosen to remain in Sudan to cope with the trauma of war. (AFP)

Ali, who lives in a refugee camp, described the pressures local initiatives now face.

“When other NGOs — especially those backed by USAID — pulled out, it fell to us to cover more and more people,” he said. “We depend on crowdfunding, and we keep going because we’re part of the same community.”

As a result, they have had to adapt over time. “At first it was just food, then healthcare, then mental health. Now we’re doing reunifications,” he said.

“We found a 9-year-old boy who was separated from his family for nearly a year while crossing into Chad. Our volunteers located him in Abeche, and after receiving psychological support, he was reunited with his parents.”

Inside Sudan, the organization’s reach continues despite the chaos. “We work in army-held areas, using volunteers from within each community,” said Ali.

“But there are more displaced people now. More trauma. Inflation is up. Fuel is scarce. Even communication is hard — blackouts and bad networks slow everything down.”

Mental health problems, in particular, are a growing concern. “There’s a significant rise in trauma-related disorders, especially among women and children,” Mohammed Abkar Goma, a trauma center manager for Safe Haven, told Arab News.




According to Guido Lanfranchi, a research fellow at the Clingendael Institute, a Dutch think tank, these local support networks reflect a deeper political dimension. (AFP)

“But stigma remains high. People are afraid to seek help.”

To bridge this gap, the group also trains non-specialists in psychological first aid. “We focus on breathing, grounding, listening,” said Goma. “Our goal is to help people hold each other through trauma — especially in camps and shelters where professional services are not available.”

Despite the resilience of these community-level initiatives, grassroots leaders say they cannot do it alone. “The needs have become more complex,” said Ali.

“We started with just food and shelter. Now, we need sustained health services, education, and trauma care. And we need the international community to recognize that we can manage these programs only if we get the support.”




According to the UN, almost 25 million people — more than half of Sudan’s population — are now in need of humanitarian assistance. (AFP)

Lanfranchi of the Clingendael Institute believes Sudan’s grassroots activists — the remnants of a once flourishing civil society — need all the help they can get.

“It’s a form of quiet political defiance,” he said. “The state is collapsing. International actors are absent. And yet, these community groups are stepping in — not just to survive, but to resist fragmentation.”

And despite the risks posed by Sudan’s armed actors, the volunteers say they have no choice but to continue. “We are not heroes,” said Ali. “We just couldn’t watch our people suffer without doing something.”


Kurdish farmers return to mountains in peace as PKK tensions calm

Kurdish farmers return to mountains in peace as PKK tensions calm
Updated 22 July 2025

Kurdish farmers return to mountains in peace as PKK tensions calm

Kurdish farmers return to mountains in peace as PKK tensions calm
  • The conflict has caused 50,000 deaths among civilians and 2,000 among soldiers
  • The Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) was formed in 1978 by Ankara University students

TURKIYE: Deep in the mountains of Turkiye’s southeastern Hakkari province, bordering Iran and Iraq, Kurdish livestock owners and farmers have gradually returned with their animals after decades of armed conflict between Kurdish militants and the Turkish army.

“We’ve been coming here for a long time. Thirty years ago we used to come and go, but then we couldn’t come. Now we just started to come again and to bring our animals as we want,” said 57-year-old Selahattin Irinc, speaking Kurdish, while gently pressing his hand on a sheep’s neck to keep it from moving during shearing.

On July 11 a symbolic weapons destruction ceremony in Iraqi Kurdistan marked a major step in the transition of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) from armed insurgency to democratic politics – part of a broader effort to end one of the region’s longest-running conflicts.

The PKK, listed as a terror group by Turkiye and much of the international community, was formed in 1978 by Ankara University students, with the ultimate goal of achieving the Kurds’ liberation. It took up arms in 1984.

The conflict has caused 50,000 deaths among civilians and 2,000 among soldiers, according to Turkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

Alongside with several other men and women, Irinc practices animal husbandry in the grassy highlands at the foot of the Cilo Mountains and its Resko peak, which stands as the second-highest in the country with an altitude of 4,137 meters (13,572 feet).

A place of scenic beauty, with waterfalls, glacial lakes and trekking routes, Cilo has gradually opened its roads over the past few years to shepherds and tourists alike as the armed conflict with PKK died down on the backdrop of peace negotiations.

But the picturesque mountains had long been the scene of heavy fighting between the Turkish army and PKK fighters who took advantage of the rough terrain to hide and strike. It left the Kurdish farmers often at odds with the army.

“In the past we always had problems with the Turkish soldiers. They accused us of helping PKK fighters by feeding them things like milk and meat from our herd,” another Kurdish livestock owner, who asked not to be named, said, rejecting such claims.

“Now it’s calmer,” he added.

Although the peace process brought more openness and ease to the region, tensions did not vanish overnight.

Checkpoints remain present around the city of Hakkari, and also to the main access point to the trekking path leading to Cilo glacier, a major tourist attraction.

“Life is quite good and it’s very beautiful here. Tourists come and stay in the mountains for one or two days with their tents, food, water and so on,” said farmer Mahir Irinc.

But the mountains are a hard, demanding environment for those making a living in their imposing shadow, and the 37-year-old thinks his generation might be the last to do animal husbandry far away from the city.

“I don’t think a new generation will come after us. We will be happy if it does, but the young people nowadays don’t want to raise animals, they just do whatever job is easier,” he lamented.

An open truck carrying more than a dozen Kurdish women made its way to another farm in the heart of the mountains, where sheep waited to be fed and milked.

The livestock graze at the foot of the mountains for three to four months, while the weather is warm, before being brought back to the village.

“We all work here. Mothers, sisters, our whole family. Normally I’m preparing for university, but today I was forced to come because my mother is sick,” explained 22-year-old Hicran Denis.

“I told my mother: don’t do this anymore, because it’s so tiring. But when you live in a village, livestock is the only work. There’s nothing else,” she said.


Yemen’s Houthis claim missile attack targeting Israeli airport

Yemen’s Houthis claim missile attack targeting Israeli airport
Updated 21 min 3 sec ago

Yemen’s Houthis claim missile attack targeting Israeli airport

Yemen’s Houthis claim missile attack targeting Israeli airport
  • Interception comes a day after Israel carried out air strikes on its Houthi-held port of Hodeida

JERUSALEM/SANAA: Houthis said they targeted Israel’s main airport Tuesday for the second time since Israel struck Yemen's Hodeidah port a day earlier, with the Israeli army reporting it had intercepted the missile.
The Houthis targeted Ben Gurion International Airport “using a ‘Palestine 2’ hypersonic ballistic missile,” according to military spokesman Yarya Saree, who had hours earlier claimed a similar attack.

The Israeli army said Tuesday it had intercepted a missile fired from Yemen, a day after Israel carried out air strikes on its Houthi-held port of Hodeida.

“Following the sirens that sounded a short while ago in several areas in Israel, a missile launched from Yemen was intercepted by the IAF,” the Israeli military reported on Telegram.


WHO says Israeli military attacked staff residence in Gaza

WHO says Israeli military attacked staff residence in Gaza
Updated 22 July 2025

WHO says Israeli military attacked staff residence in Gaza

WHO says Israeli military attacked staff residence in Gaza
  • Airstrikes caused a fire and extensive damage, and endangered WHO staff and their families, including children
  • WHO stated it will remain in Deir Al-Balah and expand its operations despite the attacks

The World Health Organization said the Israeli military attacked its staff residence and main warehouse in the Gazan city of Deir Al-Balah on Monday, compromising its operations in Gaza.

The United Nations agency said the WHO staff residence was attacked three times, with airstrikes causing a fire and extensive damage, and endangering staff and their families, including children.

Israeli tanks pushed into southern and eastern districts of Deir Al-Balah for the first time on Monday, an area where Israeli sources said the military believes hostages may be held. Tank shelling in the area hit houses and mosques, killing at least three Palestinians and wounding several others, local medics said.

“Israeli military entered the premises, forcing women and children to evacuate on foot toward Al-Mawasi amid active conflict. Male staff and family members were handcuffed, stripped, interrogated on the spot, and screened at gunpoint,” WHO said.

Two WHO staff and two family members were detained, it said in a post on X, adding that three were later released, while one staff member remained in detention.

“WHO demands the immediate release of the detained staff and protection of all its staff,” WHO Director-General Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus said.

Deir Al-Balah is packed with Palestinians displaced during more than 21 months of war in Gaza, hundreds of whom fled west or south after Israel issued an evacuation order, saying it sought to destroy infrastructure and capabilities of the militant group Hamas.

WHO said its main warehouse, located within an evacuation zone, was damaged on Sunday due to an attack that triggered explosions and a fire inside.

WHO stated it will remain in Deir Al-Balah and expand its operations despite the attacks.

Britain and more than 20 other countries called on Monday for an immediate end to the war in Gaza and criticized the Israeli government’s aid delivery model after hundreds of Palestinians were killed near sites distributing food.

The war began when Hamas-led militants stormed into Israel on October 7, 2023, killing 1,200 people and taking 251 hostages back to Gaza, according to Israeli tallies.

The Israeli military campaign against Hamas in Gaza has since killed over 59,000 Palestinians, according to health officials, displaced almost the entire population, and caused a humanitarian crisis.

The World Health Organization describes the health sector in Gaza as being “on its knees,” with shortages of fuel, medical supplies and frequent mass casualty influxes.


Once a beacon of hope, Tunisia’s civil society struggles to survive

Once a beacon of hope, Tunisia’s civil society struggles to survive
Updated 22 July 2025

Once a beacon of hope, Tunisia’s civil society struggles to survive

Once a beacon of hope, Tunisia’s civil society struggles to survive
  • The Tunisian General Labour Union, which won the 2015 Nobel peace prize with other civil society groups and could once bring tens of thousands onto the streets, has been sapped by the arrests of junior officials on corruption charges

TUNIS: In May 2024, Tunisian activist Cherifa Riahi was arrested just two months after giving birth, accused of harboring illegal migrants. Over a year later, she is still in prison without charge.
Rights groups see Riahi’s case as a symbol of accelerating repression of civil society under President Kais Saied, who dissolved parliament in 2021 and began ruling by decree.
The crackdown marks a significant turnaround for Tunisia, where civil society groups flourished in the wake of the 2011 uprising that unseated President Zine El-Abidine Ben Ali, inspired other Arab Spring uprisings, and helped shape a democratic transition.

HIGHLIGHTS

• Activists subject to detentions, threats

• Groups report asset freezes and raids

• President accuses them of serving foreign agendas

As head of a refugee support group, Riahi had been helping sub-Saharan asylum seekers and other migrants find housing and access medicine and food. Her family says she did nothing wrong.
The forced separation from her daughter and young son has been traumatic.
“The girl doesn’t recognize her mother at all,” Riahi’s mother Farida, who is now caring for her grandchild, told Reuters at their family home in La Marsa near the capital, Tunis.
“They took her while she was breastfeeding. We didn’t even have time to understand what was happening.”
Since Saied’s power grab, at least a dozen civil society figures like Riahi have been detained on allegations activists denounce as fabricated, according to rights groups and lawyers. At least 10 civil society groups have had their assets frozen and offices raided, they say.
The Tunisian General Labour Union, which won the 2015 Nobel peace prize with other civil society groups and could once bring tens of thousands onto the streets, has been sapped by the arrests of junior officials on corruption charges.
The Tunisian government’s media office did not respond to calls and written questions seeking comment about Riahi’s case and those of other activists and civil society groups.
Saied, 67, has accused civil society groups of “serving foreign agendas” and undermining national unity.
He has said he will not be a dictator and that freedom and democracy will be preserved, but that he will not allow chaos or interference through foreign funding or organizations that represent a “tool of treason.”
Activists warn that some of Tunisia’s last surviving democratic gains are at risk as the judiciary, media and parliament have all come under tighter executive control and most opposition party leaders are in prison.
“The attack on civil society organizations is not an isolated incident,” said Romdhane Ben Amor of the Tunisian Forum for Economic and Social Rights, an independent advocacy group.
“It comes within the context of the authorities’ plan to close civic space and to end the democratic openness achieved by Tunisians after January 14, 2011.”

’SEEN AS ENEMIES’
In Tunis, the offices of I Watch, an anti-corruption watchdog founded after the 2011 revolution, used to bustle with dozens of employees, volunteers and journalists.
These days, only three employees work on-site. Dozens work remotely, some fearing raids or arrests.
Wajdi Belloumi, I Watch’s president, said its bank transfers have been hindered and official investigations into the group are piling up. Hotels have stopped renting spaces for the group’s events, citing vague instructions from authorities, Belloumi said.
Last year, the electoral commission refused for the first time to allow I Watch to monitor elections due to suspicions of foreign funding.
“We’re seen as enemies now,” Belloumi told Reuters. “Many volunteers are afraid. Whistle-blowers have gone quiet. The pressure is everywhere — legal, financial, even personal.”
Ben Amor said he had received anonymous threats and started looking over his shoulder in public spaces.
“People start saying, ‘This man must be gotten rid of’,” he said, referring to comments sent in private messages, or “’your son studies at that school, your daughter studies at that school ... I saw you on that street’.”
Foreign governments that once championed Tunisia’s democratic transition now prioritize curbing migration and short-term stability, rights groups say.
Ben Amor said he believed he had been targeted particularly after speaking out against Saied’s recent anti-migrant rhetoric.
In 2023, the same year Tunisia signed a pact with the European Union aimed at stemming migration across the Mediterranean, Saied said illegal immigration was part of a “conspiracy” to alter Tunisia’s demographics.
Since then, authorities have dismantled tents and carried out forced deportations — the campaign amid which Riahi was detained.
Though the space for civil society groups is shrinking by the day, Belloumi said he remains committed.
“We chose this path — transparency, justice, accountability,” he said. “And we’re not walking away.” 


Morocco’s central bank explores digital currency cross-border payments

Morocco’s central bank explores digital currency cross-border payments
Updated 22 July 2025

Morocco’s central bank explores digital currency cross-border payments

Morocco’s central bank explores digital currency cross-border payments
  • The bank has been working with the IMF and the World Bank to assess the payment system impacts of its central bank digital currency (CBDC), Jouahri told a conference in Rabat

RABAT: Morocco’s central bank was exploring the use of its own digital currency for peer-to-peer and cross border payments, bank governor Abdellatif Jouahri said on Monday.
A central bank digital currency (CBDC) is controlled by the central bank, in contrast to cryptocurrencies that are usually decentralized.
Cryptocurrencies have been banned in Morocco since 2017, but the public continues to use them underground, circumventing restrictions.
The bank has been working with the IMF and the World Bank to assess the payment system impacts of its central bank digital currency (CBDC), Jouahri told a conference in Rabat.
The Moroccan central bank, together with its Egyptian peer and the World Bank, was also exploring the use of the CBDC for cross-border transfers, he said. A draft law on crypto assets is currently under review by the finance ministry before entering the adoption process, Jouahri said last month.