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Bodies of the Sabra and Shatila massacre victims carried by Red Cross staff for burial in Beirut. Getty Images
Bodies of the Sabra and Shatila massacre victims carried by Red Cross staff for burial in Beirut. Getty Images

1982 - The Sabra and Shatila massacre

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Updated 19 April 2025

1982 - The Sabra and Shatila massacre

1982 - The Sabra and Shatila massacre
  • Between Sept. 16-18, 1982, around 3,000 Palestinians and Lebanese Shias were massacred by a Christian militia as Israeli forces stood by

LONDON: The Sabra and Shatila massacre of 1982 was one of the most significant milestones in the turbulent modern political history of Lebanon. 

Members of a Lebanese Christian, right-wing militia entered the southern Beirut neighborhood of Sabra, and the nearby Shatila camp for Palestinian refugees, and murdered hundreds of people. Some sources suggest more than 3,000 died, mostly civilian Palestinians and Muslim Lebanese. 

At the time the atrocities took place, the neighborhood, where many Palestinian leaders resided, and the camp were under the control of the Israeli occupation forces following their invasion of southern Lebanon three months earlier. 

Some sources said that from about 6 p.m. on Sept. 16 until 8 a.m. on Sept. 18, the mass murders were committed in plain sight of Israeli forces. Indeed, some even alleged that the Christian militias were “ordered” by the Israelis to “clear out” Palestine Liberation Organization fighters from Sabra and Shatila, as part of the Israeli advance into predominantly Muslim western Beirut. Later reports suggested the Israelis received reports of the atrocities but took no action to prevent or stop them. 

The massacre, which took place at the height of the Lebanese Civil War, and the reasons behind it shed light on the complex regional dimensions that surrounded the conflict. 

How we wrote it




Arab News published horrific photos of the massacre, carried out “with the connivance of the Israeli invaders, drew worldwide reactions of horror.”

Sectarianism has almost always been at the core of the conflicts that have guided the changing maps and shifting power balances in Lebanon. Even before the defeat of the Ottoman Empire during the First World War, of which present-day Lebanon was a part, the Mount Lebanon area experienced scattered sectarian confrontations, beginning in 1840 and culminating in 1860 with massacres that prompted a French military intervention. The Ottoman response was swift and decisive in containing the French advance, supported by joint efforts from the major European powers. 

The political outcome was the creation of the autonomous Mount Lebanon district in 1861. It was governed by a Christian Ottoman official, the appointment of whom was ratified by the European powers. 

But, following the defeat of the Ottomans in the First World War, the Paris Peace Conference of 1920 annexed several areas to Mount Lebanon, including Beirut, and placed the new, expanded Lebanon under a French Mandate. 

In this new Lebanon, the Christian-majority population of Mount Lebanon was hugely diluted as a result of the annexation of major Sunni and Shiite cities and districts. However, Christians felt the French Mandate would be enough to ensure they continued to dominate the political scene. This assumption proved to be wrong, however, especially after Lebanon achieved independence in 1943. 

By then, the three Muslim sects (Sunnis, Shiites and Druze) collectively had become, by many estimates, the clear majority. Furthermore, a tide of Arab nationalism began to rise as a result of the Palestinian Nakba, or “catastrophe,” in 1948, which rapidly radicalized Arab politics. The resultant Palestinian refugee problem fueled grievances in host countries such as Lebanon and Jordan. 

Key Dates

  • 1

    Israel invades Lebanon, lays siege to Beirut.

    Timeline Image June 6, 1982

  • 2

    Palestine Liberation Organization fighters withdraw from Beirut under supervision of international peacekeeping force.

    Timeline Image Sept. 1, 1982

  • 3

    International peacekeepers withdraw from Beirut.

  • 4

    Phalangist president-elect Bachir Gemayel assassinated. Muslims initially blamed but the killer is a fellow Maronite, motivated by factional Christian infighting.

    Timeline Image Sept. 14, 1982

  • 5

    Authorized by Israeli Defense Minister Ariel Sharon, Christian Phalangist militiamen enter Sabra and Shatila, ostensibly to root out remaining PLO fighters. Instead, they embark on a massacre.

    Timeline Image Sept. 16, 1982

  • 6

    The UN General Assembly “condemns in the strongest terms the large-scale massacre of Palestinian civilians in the Sabra and Shatila refugee camps” as “an act of genocide.”

  • 7

    Israel’s own Kahan Commission finds the State of Israel bears “indirect responsibility” for the massacre, and Sharon himself “personal responsibility.”

The process of radicalization was further accelerated by the Arab defeat in the June 1967 Arab-Israeli War, which gave rise, as well as enormous credibility, to the Palestinian resistance movement (the “fedayeen”). 

In the fall of 1970, following battles between the fedayeen and the Jordanian army, Palestinian resistance movements relocated their headquarters from Amman to Beirut. 

Lebanese Muslims, Arab nationalists and leftist leaderships stood with the Palestinians and made common cause with them. On the other side, the Christian political elite and wider Christian masses in Lebanon grew apprehensive that this emerging alliance would pose a deadly threat to their dominant position in the country and, subsequently, to its regime, identity and sovereignty. 

I lived through those days and remember them well. In 1973, the Christian-led Lebanese army attempted to contain the power of the fedayeen in the refugee camps, but the Muslim-leftist uproar against the actions of the military set the scene for an imminent civil war. Soon enough, Christian militias were being openly armed and trained by army officers, while leftist and Arabist militias similarly secured arms and training through the Palestinians and some Arab regimes. 

The war erupted in 1975 and continued, through several phases, until 1990. The Israeli invasion in June 1982 was intended to finish off the Palestinian military and political infrastructure, and establish a “friendly” regime in Beirut. Israel attempted to achieve this by using military might to force Palestinian resistance movements out of Lebanon, and then handing the Lebanese presidency to Bachir Gemayel, leader of the Lebanese Forces, the most powerful Christian militia, in August 1982. 




Families grieve victims of the massacre in Beirut's Sabra neighborhood and the adjacent Shatila refugee camp, home to thousands of Palestinian refugees. Getty Images

However, Gemayel was assassinated on Sept. 14, 1982, before he could even take the oath of office. His assassination, in a massive explosion in Beirut, shocked Christians and enraged their militias, which retaliated by attacking Sabra and Shatila just two days later. 

By this time, the Arab world was weak and deeply divided following Egypt’s recognition of Israel in the Camp David Accords of 1979, which resulted in the suspension of the country’s Arab League membership. 

The Israelis were therefore able to collude in the Sabra and Shatila massacre without fear of any substantial Arab retaliation. In fact, it was the wider global furor following the massacre that would lead to the establishment of a commission of inquiry chaired by Sean MacBride, an assistant to the UN secretary-general and president of the UN General Assembly at the time. 

The commission’s 1983 report concluded that Israel, as the occupying power, bore responsibility for the violence, and that the massacre constituted a form of genocide. 

The shocked reaction to the massacre was strong even in Israel, where authorities established their own Kahan Commission to investigate the incident. Its report, also published in 1983, found that despite being aware a massacre was taking place, the Israeli military failed to take any serious steps to stop it. 

The commission said that Israel was indirectly responsible “for ignoring the danger of bloodshed and revenge,” and that Defense Minister Ariel Sharon bore personal responsibility, forcing him to resign. 

  • Eyad Abu Shakra is managing editor of Asharq Al-Awsat.


Survivors bury dead after RSF attack devastates Sudan village

Survivors bury dead after RSF attack devastates Sudan village
Updated 47 min 36 sec ago

Survivors bury dead after RSF attack devastates Sudan village

Survivors bury dead after RSF attack devastates Sudan village
  • The Emergency Lawyers reported on Monday that nearly 300 people were killed in North Kordofan villages
  • The area is home to several armed tribes that have refused to pledge allegiance to the RSF

PORT SUDAN: It took a full day for the villagers of Shaq Al-Nom, in Sudan’s North Kordofan state, to bury their dead after an attack by paramilitary fighters that left the village in ruins, a survivor told AFP on Tuesday.

The Saturday attack by the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) — the paramilitary force at war with the regular army since April 2023 — was part of a series of raids in recent days on villages in North Kordofan, some 250 kilometers (155 miles) southwest of the capital Khartoum.

“On Sunday, we collected the bodies from the village streets and inside the houses, and we buried 200 bodies,” Saleh Abdel Rahim, 34, told AFP.

The Emergency Lawyers, a group that documents atrocities by both sides in the war, reported on Monday that nearly 300 people were killed in North Kordofan villages between Saturday and Sunday.

Tolls are nearly impossible to independently verify in Sudan, with many medical facilities forced out of service and limited media access.

“It was indescribable,” Abdel Rahim said, using a pseudonym for fear of retaliation because he had fled to an area close to RSF positions.

“Under artillery shelling, houses burned with their families inside,” he told AFP via satellite Internet connection to circumvent a communications blackout.

Since it began, the war has killed tens of thousands and created the world’s largest hunger and displacement crises, with 14 million Sudanese currently displaced inside the country and across borders.

The Emergency Lawyers reported on Monday that paramilitaries had killed women and children, abducted civilians and looted livestock in the villages surrounding the RSF-controlled city of Bara.

In Shaq Al-Nom, “RSF vehicles arrived in the village, in an attempt to storm it” on Saturday under a hail of machine gun fire and drone strikes, according to Abdel Rahim.

“We had no choice but to resist in defense,” he said, adding that “all of the villagers of the Bara countryside have fled.”

The area is home to several armed tribes that have refused to pledge allegiance to the RSF.

North Kordofan, key to the RSF’s fuel smuggling route via Libya, has been an important battleground between the army and the paramilitaries for months.

The RSF has tried to encircle the North Kordofan state capital of El-Obeid — the only road link between Khartoum and the vast western region of Darfur, which the RSF has all but conquered.

It has been unable, however, to seize the North Darfur state capital of El-Fasher despite an ongoing siege for more than a year.

Sudanese analyst Kholood Khair told AFP that “they want to consolidate that road that links El-Fasher to El-Obeid and other parts of Kordofan, so effectively they’re in a race against time to consolidate in the west before the rains come.”

Sudan’s rainy season, which peaks in August, renders much of the country’s roads inaccessible, making it impossible for either side to capture territory until the floods start clearing in September.


Can Beirut’s new bus network succeed where past reform efforts in Lebanon failed?

Can Beirut’s new bus network succeed where past reform efforts in Lebanon failed?
Updated 34 min 2 sec ago

Can Beirut’s new bus network succeed where past reform efforts in Lebanon failed?

Can Beirut’s new bus network succeed where past reform efforts in Lebanon failed?
  • Sleek new AC buses equipped with GPS and modern fare systems offer a welcome glimpse of efficiency
  • World Bank warns that dependence on private vehicles is unsustainable amid rising poverty and costs

LONDON: On Beirut’s congested roads, where traffic crawls and crumbling infrastructure testifies to decades of neglect, a new rhythm is quietly taking shape.

Sleek, navy-blue buses — equipped with GPS, air conditioning and modern fare systems — now trundle through the city’s chaos, offering a welcome glimpse of efficiency. Whether they can truly deliver long-term impact, however, remains uncertain.

Cars crowd a road during a traffic jam in Beirut on October 14, 2024. (AFP)

For decades, Lebanon’s public transportation system has been an informal patchwork dominated by private minibuses and shared taxis. Now, the government is attempting to reassert control through a partnership with a private company aimed at modernizing the daily commute.

The new fleet operates on 11 routes, primarily across Greater Beirut, but also extending to parts of northern, southern and eastern Lebanon. A private logistics firm, Ahdab Commuting and Trading Co., manages day-to-day operations under a public-private partnership model.

FASTFACTS

• France donated 50 of the buses currently in use across Greater Beirut and beyond.

• A network of private vans and minibuses run fixed routes without schedules or stops.

• The 2024 Israel-Hezbollah conflict damaged Lebanon’s transport infrastructure.

While the initiative shows promise, commuters are aware of its limitations.

“Overall, you’ll mostly notice the impact of public transit inside the major cities, but even there, the system still heavily relies on taxis,” Mohammed Ali Diab, a Beirut-based journalist, told Arab News.

Beirut’s new buses aim to ease pressure on a public transit system long dominated by private minibuses and shared taxis, left. (Supplied & AFP file)

“Most taxis operate on a shared-ride basis unless a passenger specifically requests a private ride.”

Passengers typically say “service” to request a shared taxi, paying a flat fare — usually around 200,000 Lebanese pounds, or $2 — while the driver continues picking up others along the same route.

Passengers sit in a public transportation bus in Beirut on May 28, 2025. (AFP)

“In Beirut, there are also vans, but their routes are limited and fixed,” Diab added. “They don’t operate citywide.”

These vans and buses, he noted, are primarily used by working-class commuters and students, largely due to their affordability.

We took a risk during a difficult time and invested in a project that’s close to our hearts … We’re hopeful it will succeed, says Aoni Ahdab, CEO, Ahdab Commuting and Trading Co.

Beyond Beirut, shared taxis and buses connect major cities such as Tripoli, Tyre and Sidon. But in rural and mountainous regions, Diab said, residents still depend on private cars.

That dependence is becoming increasingly unviable. The World Bank’s Beirut office recently warned that Lebanon’s “reliance on private vehicles is increasingly unsustainable,” particularly amid rising poverty rates and vehicle-operation costs.

A public bus awaits passengers at a bus stop in Beirut on May 28, 2025. (AFP)

Lebanon is reeling from one of the world’s worst economic crises since 1850, according to the World Bank. Since 2019, currency collapse and high inflation have wiped out savings, shrunk incomes and pushed millions of people into poverty.

A 2024 World Bank report revealed that poverty has more than tripled over the past decade, now affecting 44 percent of the population. A separate study by Walid Marrouch, an economics professor at the Lebanese American University, found that at least 60 percent of citizens live below the poverty line.

A picture taken from Dbayeh north of Beirut on June 7, 2019, shows the skyline of the Lebanese capital covered in smog at sunset. (AFP)

Against this economic backdrop, the government’s partnership with ACTC represents a promising policy shift.

In 2023, the company won a competitive bid launched by the Ministry of Public Works to operate the bus system under specific contractual conditions. As part of the deal, ACTC contributes 10 percent of its revenues to the ministry.

Passengers sit in a public transportation bus in Beirut on May 28, 2025. (AFP)

Despite the financial risks, ACTC leaders believe in the project’s potential. “We took a risk during a difficult time and invested in a project that’s close to our hearts — one we believe adds real value to the country,” Aoni Ahdab, the ACTC CEO, told Lebanese media. “We’re hopeful it will succeed.”

The service officially launched in July 2024, despite regional instability and periodic hostilities between Israel and the militant group Hezbollah that temporarily disrupted routes. Israel’s escalation of attacks from September through late November did not halt the project.

The driver helps a passenger to validate her ticket at a public transportation bus in Beirut on May 28, 2025. (AFP)

The 2024 conflict caused heavy damage to Lebanon’s transport infrastructure. The World Bank estimates $1 billion is needed for infrastructure sectors, including transport, within an $11 billion national recovery plan.

Much of the new fleet’s foundation was laid earlier. In 2022, France donated 50 buses to Lebanon, with more expected. Meanwhile, the Railway and Public Transport Authority refurbished 45 vehicles locally, raising the operational fleet to 95 — a modest but tangible effort to ease the transportation burden.

A public bus drives at a street in Beirut on May 28, 2025. (AFP)

Although the ACTC contract did not mandate fleet upgrades, the company voluntarily refurbished and standardized the buses, repainting them in navy blue for easy identification and installing safety and tracking technologies.

To test viability, a pilot phase launched in April. Buses operated from 6 a.m. to 7 p.m. daily to assess travel times, stop durations and operational needs. The goal was to ensure departures every 25 minutes.

Passengers sit in a public transportation bus in Beirut on May 28, 2025. (AFP)

Pricing was designed to be accessible. Fares vary by distance: 70,000 Lebanese pounds within Beirut, 100,000 to Baabda, and 150,000 to Tripoli, according to local passengers.

Riders can purchase single-use tickets or opt for rechargeable cards. For now, those without cards can still pay drivers directly and receive a scannable paper ticket.

As Beirut confronts long-standing infrastructure challenges, this initiative is viewed as cautious progress. Yet its success will depend on earning public trust and expanding service sustainably.

Initial data is encouraging. Ziad Nasr, head of Lebanon’s public transport authority, told AFP last month that daily ridership has risen to around 4,500 passengers, up from just a few hundred at launch.

Authorities hope to expand service further, including routes to Beirut’s airport, but additional buses and international support will be needed.

However, the rollout has not been smooth. Resistance from private transport operators, who view the initiative as a threat to their livelihoods, has been fierce.

According to local media, several buses were vandalized and drivers, especially on the Adlieh–Hadath University Campus route, faced threats and harassment toward the end of 2024. The Ministry of Public Works and security forces intervened to keep services running.

These tensions are symptomatic of deeper, long-standing issues. Lebanon’s public transport sector has suffered for decades from weak oversight, overlapping private interests, chronic underfunding, and lack of strategic planning — all of which have repeatedly hindered reform efforts.

The roots of dysfunction stretch back to the civil war of 1975–1990, which devastated infrastructure and governance. In the years that followed, a car-dependent culture took hold. Even before the 2019 economic collapse, Lebanon was already struggling with failing power grids, unsafe roads and limited water access.

Beyond reducing congestion and improving mobility, public transportation could also play a key role in environmental reform — an often overlooked priority in Lebanon. A World Bank climate and development report noted that the transport sector is the country’s second-largest source of greenhouse gas emissions and air pollution, second only to the energy sector.

Indeed, in cities like Beirut, poor air quality is a growing concern. Frequent traffic jams and widespread use of diesel-powered generators — especially during routine blackouts — have worsened pollution and related health risks.

On the upside, there are signs of innovation. In Zahle, east of Beirut, four hybrid buses are already operating, Nabil Mneimne of the UN Development Program told AFP in June.

More progress is expected this year. Lebanon’s first fully electric buses, powered by a solar charging system, are set to launch between Beirut and the northern city of Jbeil.

A longer-term roadmap for reform has also been laid out. A 2022 World Bank report on improving public transport in Lebanon, Jordan, and Iraq outlined key recommendations. These included unifying bus operators, creating a fund to buy back public licenses, implementing intelligent transport systems, and developing a national road safety strategy.

The report also urged the government to adopt “quick-win” solutions to improve the user experience — such as reliable schedules, journey-planning apps, real-time tracking, and updated data to enable effective planning.

Together, these steps could help Lebanon transform its transportation landscape — if the political will and public support can be sustained.

 


Oman hire Carlos Queiroz as coach in push for World Cup qualification

Oman hire Carlos Queiroz as coach in push for World Cup qualification
Updated 15 July 2025

Oman hire Carlos Queiroz as coach in push for World Cup qualification

Oman hire Carlos Queiroz as coach in push for World Cup qualification
  • The veteran Portuguese tactician led Iran into the 2014 and 2018 World Cups
  • The 72-year-old Queiroz has also coached Real Madrid, Portugal, Egypt, Colombia and Qatar

MUSCAT: Oman hired Carlos Queiroz as their national-team coach Tuesday ahead of autumn games that will determine if the country advances to the World Cup for the first time.

The veteran Portuguese tactician led Iran into the 2014 and 2018 World Cups and will take over with immediate effect.

Oman and five other countries — Ƶ, Iraq, Indonesia, United Arab Emirates and Qatar — have reached the fourth round of qualifying. From groups of three, the two winners will qualify for the 2026 World Cup next summer in the United States, Mexico and Canada.

The fourth-round draw will be on Thursday in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. The matches are in October. After those, there’s one additional round — the second-place finishers square off in November for a spot in a playoff tournament.

“This comes as part of efforts to improve the team’s performances for upcoming games,” the Oman Football Association said in a statement.

Queiroz replaces Rashid Jaber, who led Oman to a fourth-place finish in the third round to keep qualification hopes alive.

The 72-year-old Queiroz has also coached Real Madrid, Portugal, Egypt, Colombia and Qatar.
Queiroz was fired as Qatar coach in December 2023 after 11 games in charge.


Letter to the Editor: In response to Dr. Dania Khatib’s column (July 10, 2025)

Letter to the Editor: In response to Dr. Dania Khatib’s column (July 10, 2025)
Updated 11 min 36 sec ago

Letter to the Editor: In response to Dr. Dania Khatib’s column (July 10, 2025)

Letter to the Editor: In response to Dr. Dania Khatib’s column (July 10, 2025)

Ukraine stands for freedom of speech and independent media. However, it is with a bitter regret that we noted the recent publication of an op-ed by Dr. Dania Koleilat Khatib, who suggested to the public several observations which we believe are inaccurate and risk misleading readers on fundamental issues. The publication itself and a range of narratives outlined therein require a response from the Ukrainian side.

Ukraine profoundly appreciates our rich and consistently growing partnership with Ƶ in line with the Kingdom’s unwavering commitment, in particular, to international law, its rules and fundamental principles.

In this context, it would be relevant to make several points thus dispelling Dr. Dania Khatib’s publication through the prism of our bilateral partnership with undisputable facts to set the record straight.

First of all, the Russian military aggression against Ukraine in no way can be considered as a legitimate deterrence. We believe that invading an independent state, partly occupying sovereign territories, killing peaceful civilians and destroying domestic economies represent a blatant and outrageous violation of the UN Charter’s provisions and international law, which all the UN member states are obliged to respect.

It would be appropriate to recall all the UN resolutions having been adopted since the start of the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2014 and in the period 2022-2024. None of the 140 countries that unanimously deplored Russian violations ever talked of this so-called “deterrence.”

Secondly, it is vital for me to firmly reject the notion that Ukraine is “destroyed” or on the verge of collapse, as well as the allegation that a sovereign state being subject to external pressures as a weaker part of the war leading to a hypothetical surrender.

Despite the struggles posed against Ukraine, our state remains steadfast in its pursuit of a prosperous future. To demonstrate our resilience, it is useful to remember the crystal clear figures of our economic partnership with the Kingdom during the time of the full-scale aggression. When bilateral trade turnover grows by 17 percent, this speaks for itself not of a country being destroyed but a determined nation committed to resist.

We have a joint ambition to develop partnership into the future, which is codified in the joint statement issued after the official visit of the President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelensky to the Kingdom in March 2025.

The reinvigoration of the Ukrainian-Saudi Joint Business Council of chambers of commerce and industry, as well as dynamic high-level exchanges between Ukrainian and Saudi companies, demonstrate the high pace of our cooperation. Moreover, we have retained our responsibility as a key food security guarantor in the world by widely supplying wheat and corn to the countries affected.

All these facts do not describe the country in ruin. On the contrary, Ukraine is simultaneously implementing national priority interests and sympathetically meeting the dire needs of struggling countries.

Far from the term “destroyed,” Ukraine refused to fall a victim of Russian aggression but displayed incredible tenacity to defend its people and land.

The final point is around criticism of weak and unreliable West. We want to make it clear: Ukraine stands against aggression with consistent support of our strategic partner the United States and the broad international coalition of the West. Their political support, economic and security assistance empowered Ukraine to withstand all brutalities of the war. The unity we have seen — politically, economically and militarily — is unprecedented and cannot be underestimated.

Ukraine is confident in the West and grateful to all who extend us a hand of help in time of a challenge. Similarly, the humanitarian assistance of the Kingdom plays a pivotal role in protecting our civilians from the consequences of the Russian invasion.

The bottom line is that, with all due respect, a contributing columnist may attempt to offer her fresh look on a complex set of issues; however, one principle must persist to be imperative: rock-solid facts, in my opinion, should not be misinterpreted and distorted in a way that undermines the foundations of international law, sovereign state vital national interests and much valuable partnerships across the globe that Ukraine treasures so much.

Anatolii Petrenko
Ambassador of Ukraine to the Kingdom of Ƶ


Israeli strikes in Gaza kill 93 Palestinians, including several families, health officials say

Israeli strikes in Gaza kill 93 Palestinians, including several families, health officials say
Updated 15 July 2025

Israeli strikes in Gaza kill 93 Palestinians, including several families, health officials say

Israeli strikes in Gaza kill 93 Palestinians, including several families, health officials say
  • Strike in Gaza City’s Tel Al-Hawa district Monday evening kills 19 members of same family
  • Gaza’s Health Ministry says bodies of 93 people killed by Israeli strikes brought to hospitals over the past 24 hours

DEIR AL-BALAH, Gaza Strip: Israeli strikes overnight and into Tuesday killed more than 90 Palestinians across the Gaza Strip, including dozens of women and children, health officials said.
One strike in the northern Shati refugee camp killed a 68-year-old Hamas member of the Palestinian legislature, as well as a man and a woman and their six children who were sheltering in the same building, according to officials from Shifa Hospital, where the casualties were taken.
One of the deadliest strikes hit a house in Gaza City’s Tel Al-Hawa district on Monday evening and killed 19 members of the family living inside, according to Shifa Hospital. The dead included eight women and six children. A strike on a tent housing displaced people in the same district killed a man and a woman and their two children.
There was no immediate comment from the Israeli military on the strikes.
Gaza’s Health Ministry said in a daily report Tuesday afternoon that the bodies of 93 people killed by Israeli strikes had been brought to hospitals in Gaza over the past 24 hours, along with 278 wounded. It did not specify the total number of women and children among the dead.
The Hamas politician killed in a strike early Tuesday, Mohammed Faraj Al-Ghoul, was a member of the bloc of representatives from the group that won seats in the Palestinian Legislative Council in the last election held among Palestinians, in 2006.
Hamas won a majority in the vote, but relations with the main Fatah faction that had long led the Palestinian Authority unraveled and ended with Hamas taking over the Gaza Strip in 2007. The legislative council has not formally convened since.
The Israeli military says it only targets militants and tries to avoid harming civilians. It blames civilian deaths on Hamas because the militants operate in densely populated areas. But daily, it hits homes and shelters where people are living without warning or explanation of the target.
The latest attacks came after US President Donald Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu held two days of talks last week that ended with no sign of a breakthrough in negotiations over a ceasefire and hostage release.
Israel has killed more than 58,400 Palestinians and wounded more than 139,000 others in its retaliation campaign since Hamas’ Oct. 7, 2023, attack, according to Gaza’s Health Ministry. Just over half the dead are women and children, according to the ministry, which does not distinguish between civilians and militants in its tally.
The ministry, part of the Hamas-run government, is led by medical professionals. Its count, based on daily reports from hospitals, is considered by the United Nations and other experts to be the most reliable.
Israel has vowed to destroy Hamas after its attack 20 month ago, in which militants stormed into southern Israel and killed some 1,200 people, mostly civilians. They abducted 251 others, and the militants are still holding 50 hostages, less than half of them believed to be alive.
Israel’s air and ground campaign has destroyed vast areas of Gaza and driven some 90 percent of the population from their homes. Aid groups say they have struggled to bring in food and other assistance because of Israeli military restrictions and the breakdown of law and order, and experts have warned of famine.